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Last update:
2 September 2010

© John Benjamins
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Clausal Architecture and Subject Positions

Impersonal constructions in the Germanic languages

Sabine Mohr
University of Stuttgart

2005. viii, 207 pp.
Publishing status: Available

HardboundIn stock
978 90 272 3352 3 / EUR 105.00 / USD 158.00
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e-BookAvailable from e-book platforms
978 90 272 9399 2 / EUR 105.00 / USD 158.00
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This book offers a comparative study of the Germanic languages. It promotes a new approach to the OV vs. VO classification, according to which all clauses have a universal base where the internal argument is always merged in SpecVP. Word order differences and their correlates result from an interaction of checking conditions, the EPP and different types of verb movement, and from parametric variation concerning the location of the subject of predication in the I- or in the C-system. In the discussion of a range of impersonal constructions in German, Dutch, Afrikaans, Yiddish, Icelandic, the Mainland Scandinavian languages and English, it is shown that crosslinguistic variation as regards, e.g., the distribution of the expletive in impersonal passives and the occurrence of a Definiteness Effect in Transitive Expletive Constructions is mainly due to the choice of different kinds of 'expletive' elements (each associated with different featural make-ups which force them to show up in different positions), namely true expletives, event arguments and quasi-arguments, whereas expletive pro is shown not to exist.


Table of contents

Acknowledgements
viii
I. Introduction
0. Introduction
3–8
II. Clausal architecture and the EPP
1. Subject positions and the EPP: The evolution of the two concepts
11–39
2. The EPP and the Extension Condition
40–54
3. Clause structure
55–76
4. Checking
77–101
5. The 'universal EPP' on T
102–109
6. Summary
110–112
III. Impersonal constructions and subject positions
7. The constructions to be discussed and previous accounts
115–133
8. The derivation of presentational sentences and impersonal passives
134–174
9. Constructions involving quasi-arguments (or not)
175–188
10. Summary
189–191
IV. Conclusion
11. Conclusion
195–198
References
199–204
Index
205–207